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NZ’s push for joint statement on China missile test falls flat amid growing Pacific Islands autonomy_我的网站

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一 |     

Foreign ministers and top diplomats of the Pacific Islands countries attend a meeting of the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) in Suva, Fiji, on August 7, 2026, ahead of the full leaders meeting scheduled for September 2026 in Palau. Photo: VCG
    Foreign ministers and top diplomats of the Pacific Islands countries attend a meeting of the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) in Suva, Fiji, on August 7, 2026, ahead of the full leaders meeting scheduled for September 2026 in Palau. Photo: VCG
As foreign ministers and senior representatives from Pacific nations convened in Suva for the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) to discuss key regional issues, New Zealand's foreign minister reportedly pushed to secure a joint statement condemning China's missile tests in July, however, his effort ultimately fell flat. A Chinese expert described the outcome as a clear rebuke to Canberra and Wellington's ingrained habit of speaking for the Pacific, saying the two countries must come to terms with a shifting reality: Pacific Island states are increasingly unwilling to let Australia and New Zealand dictate who their friends, foes and perceived security threats should be.
Pacific Island foreign ministers failed to agree on Friday to a joint response to China's missile launch in July, with further discussions expected at the Pacific leaders meeting at the end of August, said New Zealand Foreign Minister Winston Peters, according to Reuters. 
According to a report from Radio New Zealand, there has not been a unanimous statement from Pacific nations about China's test-launch in July, and Peters said New Zealand had been pushing for one. Peters claimed that the Pacific missed an opportunity not to issue a joint statement soon after China's launch.
Australia's Foreign Minister Penny Wong said before the meeting that she hoped China took note of the "very clear response" already sent from the Pacific about the test, according to AFP.
Peters' push for a joint PIF statement on China's missile tests, together with Wong's remarks, are less about technical security concerns than an effort to turn their own anxieties about China into a regional agenda and pressure Beijing under the forum's collective banner. His description of Pacific Island countries' refusal to single out China as a "missed opportunity" also reveals little respect for their independent judgment, Chen Hong, director of the New Zealand Studies Centre, East China Normal University, told the Global Times.
The result is a clear rebuke to Canberra and Wellington's long-standing habit of arrogantly "speaking for" the Pacific, as island states are increasingly unwilling to let Australia and New Zealand decide who their friends, foes or security threats should be, said Chen Hong. 
The Chinese People's Liberation Army Navy said on July 6 that one of its strategic nuclear submarines successfully launched a strategic missile toward relevant high seas of the Pacific Ocean, which landed precisely within the designated waters. China notified relevant countries in advance of the test launch, a move that demonstrates the openness and transparency of the Chinese armed forces, Chen Xi, a spokesperson for the Ministry of National Defense, said at a press conference on July 7. 
Chen Hong also noted that Peters' recent China-related rhetoric has become increasingly populist and hawkish as elections approach in New Zealand. "Such an approach risks undermining New Zealand's long-standing reputation for pragmatic, independent, and rational diplomacy," Chen Hong said. 
In July, during a parliamentary debate on New Zealand's Covid-19 pandemic response, Peters, who is also leader of the populist New Zealand First party, told a Chinese-born lawmaker to "go back to your own country" while mocking his English proficiency. His remarks drew wide criticism in New Zealand.
Yet Australia and New Zealand continued to amplify missile-related issues and great-power rivalry, pushing the "China threat" narrative to the center of the regional agenda while sidelining the priorities that matter most to Pacific Island nations, said Chinese analysts. 
Chen Hong noted that for island states, the most urgent concerns are not geopolitical competition but everyday challenges: climate change, energy security, development financing, infrastructure and economic resilience. By shifting the focus from these concerns to strategic rivalry among major powers, Australia and New Zealand risk distorting the region's real priorities and undermining the aspirations of Pacific Island countries.
According to an introduction on the forum website, "The Forum's Pacific Vision is for a resilient region of peace, harmony, security, social inclusion and prosperity, so that all Pacific people can lead free, healthy, and productive lives."
At the opening of the meeting, Rick Houenipwela, foreign minister of the Solomon Islands and chair of the meeting, said that the Pacific's agenda must continue to be "conceived ⁠by the Pacific, shaped by the Pacific and only by the Pacific," according to Reuters. 
Chen Hong said Pacific Island nations have made their position clear: differences with China do not mean signing up to the strategic agendas of Australia and New Zealand. A growing number of island countries refuse to be trapped in the black-and-white binary choice of siding with either China or the West.
If Canberra and Wellington keep pushing rhetoric beyond the regional consensus, they risk undermining the very institution they claim to support. The PIF's strength lies not in issuing confrontational statements, but in preserving Pacific unity. Turning that consensus into a tool for pressuring China would erode the forum's cohesion and weaken its central role in the region, said Chen Hong.

二 |     

花200块人民币,就能成为一支91岁足球俱乐部的正式赞助商,并且能把自己的logo印在球衣上。这个提案,你心动了吗?在秘鲁老牌球队穆尼斯帕体育俱乐部(Club Centro Deportivo Municipal),这件事真实发生了。餐厅、理发店、五金店、宠物店,甚至普通球迷的名字,被缩成一个个小格子,印在球队标志性的红色斜带旁。近1000个小格子密密麻麻铺满球衣,也使其迅速火遍社交媒体。但在这场前所未有的赞助背后,一支四夺全国冠军的老牌球队,正在为继续生存筹钱。

三 | 穆尼斯帕体育俱乐部,又叫市政体育俱乐部,成立于1935年,最初由利马市政系统工作人员创建,因此长期被称为「Los Ediles(市政人)」。

四 | 出身「官家」的俱乐部一度有着优秀的成绩,曾在1938年、1940年、1943年和1950年四次夺得秘鲁全国冠军。球队胸前标志性的红色斜带,也成为秘鲁足球历史中辨识度最高的球衣元素之一。好景不长,球队在随后的几十年里,在各级联赛浮沉,直到2014年才重返顶级联赛,随后球队还参加了南美俱乐部杯。最近球队成绩的下滑来得更加猛烈。2023赛季,穆尼斯帕从秘鲁顶级联赛Liga 1降级;次年再度降级,2025年,球队不得不参加新设立的第三级联赛Liga 3。连续降级直接压缩了球队的转播曝光、比赛收入和商业价值,主要赞助商也随之离开。与此同时,俱乐部多年积累的债务开始影响正常参赛。秘鲁媒体披露,穆尼斯帕的债务规模已经超过1200万索尔(2400万元),债权人涉及球员、秘鲁足协、球员工会、税务部门和社会保障机构。一家难以保证参赛资格、又已经掉入低级别联赛的俱乐部,很难被大型企业看上并买下昂贵的球衣广告。穆尼斯帕决定换一种「活法」。

五 | 2025年末,俱乐部与创意广告公司McCann Lima共同推出「Los Mil Sponsors del Muni」,将原本集中出售的球衣赞助权益拆成近1000个小型广告格,向小微企业、个体经营者和普通球迷开放。官网为广告位设计了多个规格。

六 | 最小的位置只有1.5厘米见方,价格为100索尔;最大的位置为4.5厘米乘3厘米,价格为600索尔,其余档位分别为200、300和400索尔。

七 | 按当下与人民币的汇率来说,只需要花最低200元,一家街边小店或者一名普通球迷,就能成为俱乐部正式认证的赞助商。参与者可以将企业商标或个人姓名印在球衣上,获得俱乐部社交媒体和主场宣传资源,购买门票、官方服装和周边商品时享受专属价格,并获得俱乐部认证的赞助商身份。部分项目材料还显示,参与企业可以成为官方商品销售点,并在商业宣传中使用球队和球员相关资源。这一计划在传播和募资层面迅速取得效果。2026年6月,它获得戛纳创意节Entertainment Lions for Sport全场大奖,并在秘鲁Effie奖的「体育与娱乐」和「社区参与」类别获得两项金奖。根据秘鲁Effie公布的项目案例材料,这项计划吸引了数百名小微企业经营者参与,现金及实物资源合计达到75万索尔。然而,这相对于球队的债务只是杯水车薪。不过好消息是,「出圈」之后,该项目也带来了额外的收入。

八 | 俱乐部负责人在4月接受《Gestión》采访时表示,计划已经间接促成至少五家传统赞助商与球队合作,并带来新的球场广告资源。当下,随着赞助商陆续加入,俱乐部也完成了首版「千家赞助商」球衣的制作。

九 | 官方社媒显示,2026年7月25日,这件印满商标的球衣通过EOO Sports开启独家预售,预售期间售价约120索尔,持续至8月15日。参与计划的赞助商可以获得35%的专属折扣及其他权益。不过,截至发稿,项目官网仍写着「1000个位置向企业开放」,保留全部价格档位和「我要成为赞助商」的申请表,也没有出现「售罄」或「招募结束」的公告。按照俱乐部最初公布的资金安排,项目收入的70%将用于男足一线队和2026赛季Liga 3的参赛成本,女足、青训和项目运营分别获得10%。但在计划执行期间,俱乐部的参赛资格发生了变化。2026年3月,秘鲁业余足球联赛纪律委员会以俱乐部拖欠秘鲁职业球员工会及秘鲁足协相关款项为由,取消其Liga 3资格。俱乐部随后提出申诉,上诉机构在5月维持原处罚。

十 | 这意味着,原本占资金用途最大部分的Liga 3参赛计划已经无法执行。按照现有竞赛路径,穆尼斯帕将在2027年参加更低级别的地方赛事,同时仍有机会通过相关杯赛争取重返Liga 3。截至目前,俱乐部尚未说明原定投入男足一线队和Liga 3的资金将如何调整,也没有公布现金收入、实物支持、债务偿还和项目支出的完整明细。这一计划帮助球队获得了新的收入和关注,但穆尼斯帕多年积累的债务、参赛资格和治理问题,仍需要更长期的解决方案。回头来看,这也带来了不少启示。许多中小俱乐部仍然按照顶级球队的方式出售赞助资源:设置少量高价位置,等待一家拥有足够预算的大企业。穆尼斯帕既保留了球衣广告的总价值,同时降低单个参与者的门槛,共同构成一份接近传统赞助规模的收入。

十一 | 这些小赞助商分布在社区中,能够形成消费、传播和线下活动网络。球迷支持俱乐部,其他球迷又会优先照顾支持球队的商家,赞助关系因此获得了持续运转的空间。这套思路在足球行业并非完全陌生。

十二 | 巴西俱乐部长期开设多个球衣和比赛装备广告位置。IBOPE Repucom的统计显示,2025年巴西甲级联赛20家俱乐部的比赛服装上,全年共出现164个不同品牌,较2024年增加24%。

十三 | 多赞助商已经成为巴西足球商业结构中的常见状态。

十四 | J联赛俱乐部则普遍建立了层级更加丰富的本地合作体系。以FC今治为例,商户支付5500日元,就可以加入覆盖一个半赛季的俱乐部支持商店计划。穆尼斯帕本次的赞助协议,其实只是进一步将这些思路集中到了一件球衣上。不过,1000个赞助商同时意味着1000份权益需要交付。

十五 | 俱乐部需要维护商户关系、提供宣传资源、完成商业导流,并持续公布资金用途。商户第一次愿意为情怀付费,长期合作仍然取决于实际回报和经营透明度。当下,穆尼斯帕已经开始寻找更彻底的解决方案。2026年5月,会员大会一致通过将俱乐部由协会转为股份制公司的方案,并组建委员会评估外部投资。

十六 | 有报道称,一名房地产企业家提出在十年内投资2000万美元,用于偿还债务、建设青训中心和推动球队重返顶级联赛。

十七 | 当下,随着足球变得越来越昂贵,FIFA甚至都开始寻求「资本化」。但足球能够延续至今,也因为总有人愿意在球队最困难的时候走进球场,买下一件球衣,或者为一个只有1.5厘米见方的广告格付钱。1000个赞助商计划没有结束穆尼斯帕的危机,但让我们看到,支撑足球延续下去的,永远只有球迷,和那一份真挚的感情。

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Published on:08:00:02


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